The Regulated to Fail Policy Simulator

Can you fix the universities?

Change the rules. Run the system to 2036. See what happens.

The interactive simulator needs JavaScript. Below is what happens under current policy, as the model runs it, by 2035–36.

Illustrative: one run of the model with its central assumptions. Model 0.5.0.

Research-intensive 21

11 in deficit · 4 at risk

Teaching-intensive 14

8 in deficit · 0 at risk · 1 merged · 0 closed

Medium 43

20 in deficit · 3 at risk · 1 merged · 0 closed

Smaller 53

18 in deficit · 9 at risk · 8 merged · 2 closed

Specialist 58

16 in deficit · 5 at risk · 11 merged · 4 closed

Creative 45

10 in deficit · 7 at risk · 10 merged · 2 closed

Level 4-5 45

8 in deficit · 2 at risk · 10 merged · 4 closed

Hover over or tap a building to see that provider, or . All 279 are synthetic: none is a real university.

  • Financially comfortable
  • In deficit
  • Serious distress (low cash)
  • Cannot pay its way
  • Merged into another provider
  • Closed

Current policy, 2035–36

No overall score: which of these matters most is your judgement. Indices are 100 in 2024–25.

Financial sustainability

Share of students at providers not in a cash crisis, whether or not in deficit

92%

Why? Financial sustainability

Each year a provider earns fees, grants and research income, pays staff and running costs, and adds what is left to its cash. A provider is in a cash crisis when its cash falls below about five weeks of spending; one with less cash than it owes pays interest on the gap. Costs rise with pay and prices; income rises only as far as fees, grants and student numbers allow. Providers in deficit cut costs, but cuts take a year or two to arrive. The gauge measures cash, not deficits: a provider in deficit with ample cash counts as secure, and students of providers that have closed are no longer counted (see "Students who lost their place").

The assumptions it rests on most

Student experience

Staffing and estate, 2024–25 = 100

93

Why? Student experience

Student experience follows the number of students per member of staff and the state of the buildings, with a lag of about two years. Recruitment freezes, severance and compulsory cuts raise the ratio; deferred capital spending builds a maintenance backlog. Providers that recover hire back. This is the model's least evidenced link: there is no robust estimate of how much class sizes change the experience of studying.

The assumptions it rests on most

Research capacity

Research activity, 2024–25 = 100

92

Why? Research capacity

Research loses money: grants cover about 70 per cent of its full cost at research-intensive universities, and the rest is paid from surpluses, mostly on international fees. Providers in trouble cut research, which saves money at once; the research funding that depends on quality (QR) falls only after REF 2029. Severance schemes also take research staff.

The assumptions it rests on most

Subject breadth

Courses still offered, 2024–25 = 100

95

Why? Subject breadth

Providers still in deficit after three years close low-enrolment courses. Closures fall on the subjects English providers have actually withdrawn most often since 2019 — languages, geography, agriculture and combined studies — and least on law, medicine, nursing and social work. Closed providers take their courses with them.

The assumptions it rests on most

Regional access

Home students at each region’s providers against its 18-year-olds, 2024–25 = 100

100

Why? Regional access

Home students at each region's providers are compared with what the region's 2024-25 places would be with England's changing number of 18-year-olds, and the regions are averaged. It counts places by where providers are, not where students live or how far they travel. When a provider closes, about half its continuing home students finish their courses nearby and most of its future applicants go to other providers, within those providers' capacity; the rest are lost to higher education. Mergers keep the places.

The assumptions it rests on most

Public cost

Selected: grants, research funding and the expected loss on fee loans, less the levy, in 2024–25 prices

£9.0bn

Why? Public cost

A selected public cost, not the whole fiscal effect: the teaching grant and other funding body grants, research (QR and research council grants), and the expected long-run loss on new home fee loans (about a third of what is lent, an average rate rather than the cost of an extra pound lent), less levy receipts — in 2024–25 prices. The loan line is not cash spent that year. A higher fee cap raises the loan cost; abolishing the levy loses its receipts; paying research its full cost raises grants. If fees are abolished, the whole fee is a grant. Extra maintenance grants, capital funding and payments to move students from closed providers are counted; existing maintenance support, VAT, National Insurance and visa receipts are not, so policies that change those look cheaper or dearer than they are.

Public cost by line, 2035–36, 2024–25 prices
LineCurrent policy
OfS teaching grant£1.00bn
Other funding body grants£0.92bn
QR research funding£1.95bn
Research council grants£2.07bn
Expected loss on new fee loans£3.51bn
Levy receipts−£0.39bn
Cash spent in the year£5.94bn
Public costCash spent, plus the expected loss on new loans, less the levy£9.05bn

The assumptions it rests on most

Supporting figures, 2035–36
FigureCurrent policy
Providers in deficitIndependent providers91
In deficit three years runningIndependent providers37
At serious riskLow cash, or unable to pay their way30
Merged since 2024–25Absorbed by another provider41
Closed since 2024–25Gone, with some students moving elsewhere12
Students who lost their placeContinuing students of closed providers not placed elsewhere, since 2024–25 (FTE)2,435
Home studentsFull-time equivalent1,578,000
International studentsFull-time equivalent491,000
Public-service studentsStudents now on medicine, nursing, health, teacher-training and social-work courses (all levels and domiciles), 2024–25 = 100102

Why? The supporting figures

Providers in deficit

A provider is in deficit when this year's costs exceed its income (excluding one-off pension accounting). In the model, pay and prices grow faster than fees and grants for most of the decade, so deficits return after providers' first round of cuts. Year-to-year swings in recruitment and one-off costs, measured from ten years of real accounts, move providers in and out of deficit.

The assumptions it rests on most

In deficit three years running

Independent providers whose costs have exceeded their income for at least three years in a row, including years before 2024-25. A deficit run can be survived for a while on cash, so this shows strain that the financial sustainability gauge, which measures cash, does not.

The assumptions it rests on most

At serious risk

Providers whose cash has fallen below 10 per cent of a year's spending (the OfS's low-liquidity measure), or who can no longer pay their way. Asset sales and compulsory cuts slow the fall; mergers and closures remove providers from the count.

The assumptions it rests on most

Merged since 2024–25

A provider that cannot pay its way looks for a partner with ample cash, preferably in its own region. Only some searches succeed in any year. The absorbed provider keeps teaching as part of its partner, whose cash takes on its shortfall.

The assumptions it rests on most

Closed since 2024–25

With no partner willing, a provider that stays unable to pay its way for two years closes. England has no special administration regime for universities, so how long lenders, the OfS and government would let one continue is untested; the model's answer is an assumption, not a prediction of which or how many providers would close.

The assumptions it rests on most

Students who lost their place

When a provider closes, its final-year students finish and its continuing students need new places. Some are placed — at providers in the same region first, then elsewhere, each taking no more than a set share of its own students — and finish their courses there; the rest lose their place. A restructuring regime places more. Students counted here are cumulative since 2024-25, in full-time equivalents.

The assumptions it rests on most

Home students

Each year's home undergraduate intake follows that year's 18-year-olds, which peak around 2030, and stays for the length of the course; taught and research postgraduates are recruited separately, so undergraduate policies (maintenance grants, caps, cuts in places) do not move them. Fees do not change home demand in the model (England's 2012 tripling barely did). Providers' reputations, their course closures and closed providers' students and applicants shift numbers between providers.

The assumptions it rests on most

International students

International entrants respond to the Graduate Route, the dependants rule, fees (including the share of the levy passed on to students) and providers' reputations, then stay for the length of their course. Providers in trouble push recruitment, but most of what they gain comes from other English providers.

The assumptions it rests on most

Public-service students

Students in medicine, nursing and midwifery, health professions, teacher training and social work. They change with student numbers, with providers closing, and with course closures — which fall on these subjects least, because providers have rarely withdrawn them.

The assumptions it rests on most